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Will D. Campbell

Sheila B. Michaels<br /><br />
87 Columbia Street<br /><br />
New York City, New York 10002<br /><br />
Telephone: Yukon 2-0794<br /><br />
Office: 9352261<br /><br />
<br /><br />
THE WHITE GIRL<br /><br />
<br /><br />
She was scared of Negroes, but her newspaper conscience called her to join the civil rights <br /><br />
movement. She knew she would feel guilty if she associated with Negroes, and guilty if she did not; and <br /><br />
she thought it was as well to hang for a sheep as a lamb. Southern Interracial Student Teams had the greatest reputation for spectacle and derring-do. In view of the momentous step she was about to take it did seem niggling and just too dull to settle on a cause that would be half-measure.<br /><br />
It was a Saturday in early Fall. The first weekend of her sophomore year. Her roommate had gone home for the weekend, and she did not want to begin tackling the cleaning that had to be done in the new apartment. The last tenants had been pigs. She and Sherry would be no different. She went by the Student Union, but there was no one to whom she could confide her plan. She really didn’t want anyone to know, anyway. If she made some spectacular failure, better not to do it in a three-ring circus. She went to the bookstore and read picture books and looked at greeting cards for about an hour. Then she went home and piddled about, daydreaming until after lunch,. [typo] Finally, she called the Funds for SIST – the group’s Northern, fund-raising arm—and got the directions.<br /><br />
The bus rumbled and splatted away over the cobblestones through the empty downtown streets; leaving her alone. She would have stayed on until it circled back to school if she could have faced the bus driver. It seemed like an awfully bright, unreal day in the downtown silence, full of clear sun and sharp [typo] shadows.<br />

The White Girl Manuscript Draft

First page of draft manuscript for "The White Girl" written by Sheila Michaels

STATEMENT BY KOINONIA FARM<br /><br />
April 15, 1957<br /><br />
For Immediate Use<br /><br />
In Presentments published in the Americus Times-Recorder of April 5, 1957 the Grand Jury of Sumter County has gone to great lengths to discredit the honesty, sincerity, and religious beliefs of the community at Koinonia Farm. We take this means of presenting an answer to the people of Americus and Sumter County. It is a shocking thing that the Grand Jury, the official body responsible for just inquiry on behalf of the citizens of this county, should conduct so apparently biased and unfair an investigation as this one. It should be clear to anyone, however uninitiated, who reads these Presentments that the Grand Jury showed no concern whatever for a fair and balanced presentation of the facts. On the contrary it collected and interpreted to the discredit of Koinonia every possible piece of information that could be twisted to that purpose. And by deliberate selection it omitted all of those readily ascertainable facts which reflect to the credit of Koinonia.<br /><br />
We are forced to conclude that these misrepresentations are largely the result of bias and pre—judgments. In evidence of this we cite the fact that Solicitor General Charles Burgamy, who was responsible for assembling the facts and presenting them to the Grand Jury, on August 3, 1956, was quoted at length by the Albany Journal in a front-page article headed, "Solicitor Asks Revival of K.K.K at States’ Rights Meet Here.” We quote from this newspaper account:<br /><br />
"The Dougherty County Chapter of the States’ Rights Council met at 8:00 o’clock Tuesday night in the Dougherty County court house to hear Solicitor General Charles Burgamy of Americus, Georgia, tell the gathering of approximately 200 persons that he favored a return to the Ku Klux Klan... Mr. Burgamy talked for approximately one hour, strongly attacking integration and race mixing. At the conclusion of his remarks, Mr. Burgamy said 'Maybe that’s what we need now is for the right kind of a Klan to start up again and use a buggy whip on some of these race mixers. I believe that would stop them.’”<br /><br />
In this same story, Mr. Burgamy is quoted as commenting on the bombing of the roadside market at Koinonia Farm, which had occurred eleven days before his speech. The Albany Journal states: “Mr. Burgamy also intimated that it was possible for the participants in the Farm's cooperative and racially mixed agricultural program to have planted the bomb as a means of gaining sympathy and public attention." This shows that, long before most of the violence had occurred, Mr. Burgamy was putting forward the charge that people at Koinonia themselves were responsible for the violence directed against their persons and their property. If this were an honest conviction and not simply a pre-judgment, could Mr. Burgamy have failed over the course of many months and many acts of violence to have gathered proof of guilt by members of the Farm? Instead of this, many months later Mr. Burgamy has used the prestige of the Grand Jury to distort the facts to fit his pre-conceived theory.

Statement by Koinonia Farm

A small sheet of four gold stamps. Each stamp has an extended black fist turned inward and raised. Gripped tightly in the fist are a book with the text "Education", a gavel with the text "Justice" a voting card with the text "Vote", paper money with a "$" sign, and an obscured item with obscured text. There are broken chains on the wrist the text "sncc" on the inside forearms and a white starburst in the upper right corner.

Four seals with the Student Non Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) name and graphic

BROTHER TO A DRAGONFLY<br /><br />
(a civil rights story)<br /><br />
<br /><br />
By Neal Bell and <br /><br />
Dick Cusack<br /><br />
<br /><br />
Based on the National Book Club<br /><br />
Award winning biography<br /><br />
By<br /><br />
Will D. Campbell<br /><br />
<br /><br />
2nd Draft<br /><br />
Cusack Productions Inc. <br /><br />
405 North Wabash St., Suite 1111<br /><br />
Chicago, Ill 60611<br /><br />
312 923-9010<br />

Screenplay for cinematic treatment of Brother to a Dragonfly

1 page<br /><br />
10 Bold<br /><br />
AND ABOUT SELMA<br /><br />
What can one say about Selma if he is white and can vote and even walk to his state capitol if he wants to? Excuse me? I’m sorry? <br /><br />
Selma seems to say more about America than about Alabama. For it seems to point out how nation-wide we think white. We, most of us, were shocked at the murder of James Reeb of Boston. <br /><br />
We responded to that tragedy by sending the widow, through our highest elected official, several long-stemmed yellow roses, mixed with snapdragons. <br /><br />
Yellow roses!<br /><br />
Was it our compassion or our cynicism?<br /><br />
Whichever it was, three weeks earlier another man was killed in that same struggle just a few miles from where James Reeb was struck down. <br /><br />
He had no wife, but he had a mother. She received no yellow roses. To date no arrests have been made in connection with his death though his dying testimony was that he had been shot by an Alabama State Trooper. <br /><br />
He was black. <br /><br />
Four arrests have been made in connection with the death of Reverend Reeb. They should have been. <br /><br />
And yellow roses to his widow.<br /><br />
No roses and no arrests for the black man. <br /><br />
THE YELLOW ROSE OF TEXAS!<br /><br />
Pardon the murdered black man if his ghostly laughter is sardonic. For strange thing about all that. “The Yellow Rose of Texas” was a mulatto woman. <br /><br />
But no roses for the black man. How many of us even know his name? His rottening flesh must now sing out the new lyrics: <br /><br />
My half sister was the yellow rose.<br /><br />
My brother got the flowers. <br />

Rough draft of writings, And About Selma and The Yellow Rose of Texas

Copy<br /><br />
ITEM NO. I<br /><br />
Since January 4, 1962, the Mississippi Citizens’ Council and the State Sovereignty Commission have conspired in an open attack upon me which has been well publicized in the state and national press. This attack came because I am printing a new newspaper for Negroes, the Mississippi Free Press, which is dedicated to working for Negro rights and freedom. <br /><br />
I am only the printer for this paper. I have no financial interest in it and no control over it. I am vitally interested in seeing it survive because it is badly needed. The men who have put their money into this paper, business and professional men of Jackson, have implicit confidence in me and are guided a great deal by what I tell them in the line of newspapering. I very much would like to be in a position financially where I could have the time to help more with this paper and make it into a quality paper of statewide distribution. This could be done if the money could be made available, I have the know-how and the willingness to do the job. <br /><br />
ITEM NO. II<br /><br />
THE BAPTIST OBSERVER, now a monthly but already with authority to go weekly when funds are available, is strictly a church and religious paper. But the Negro ministers sponsoring this paper are keenly aware of the need of promoting a greater participation for Negroes in the life, economy and government of our state. This paper will help ministers to develop leadership among themselves and their congregations to the end that some day they can speak with one voice. This they desire to do-but naturally it will take time. They must get their own people together. We have in mind that some day The Observer will go into every Baptist home in the state. Adequate financing could make this a reality NOW. <br /><br />
ITEM NO. III<br /><br />
Organized labor is viewed with suspicion in Mississippi by the Governor on down. This is an attitude deliberately fostered by the top officials as labor leaders know. Labor needs a better press in Mississippi and better public relations. It has no paper of its own at the present time-although it once did. A statewide weekly newspaper which would report labor news fairly, honestly and accurately could be of great assistance in educating Mississippians about the facts of life on labor-about which they know very little at the present time. If Mississippi is to grow and progress industrially our attitude toward organized labor is going to have to change. <br /><br />
In our Jackson suburban paper, the Northside Reporter, we have a paper that already has a good following in Jackson. It could be enlarged and extended citywide first and then statewide-if my husband (Walter D. Smith) and I had enough financial backing. We are able and what’s more important, willing to do this job. We feel it would be making a contribution to the growth and development of our state and I have some definite ideas about how this could be done if anyone is interested. <br /><br />
ITEM NO. IV<br /><br />
We need money NOW. $1,400.00 for past due taxes and insurance, now critical,<br /><br />
2,000.00 on $6,200 loan from 1st National Bank of G’ville<br /><br />
-also now critical. Entire loan must <br /><br />
be liquidated soon. <br /><br />
1,000 must pay on paper bill, (Now $4,500.) <br /><br />
2,000.00 for assorted miscellaneous accounts including a <br /><br />
partial payment on $1,800 engraving bill.<br /><br />
ALL OF ABOVE DESPERATELY NEEDED NOW. <br /><br />
(We still have the $20,000.00 note to be repaid <br /><br />
to Mr. Harrison-not worrying about it now.<br /><br />
(Note: If we could get our hands on $15,000 it would get rid of the one big note that is ono our backs as well as the past due bills-leaving us still the $16,200.00 note in Jackson on which we pay 6 per cent and $200,00 monthly-when we have it)<br />

Overview of the publications that Hazel Brannon Smith publishes, attacks she faces from segregationist groups, and a budget of the money she needs to run her businesses

Nashville Protest

Brochure Cover<br /><br />
Black youth with sweat on his face looks toward camera wide eyed with his mouth open. Below the text reads "Mississippi Summer Project"

Mississippi Summer Project Brochure

Trifold brochure for Mississippi Summer Project also know as Mississippi Freedom Summer 1964

This is the first page of a Mississippi state sovereignty commission report about Tugaloo college. It is from Earl Johnston Junior, the director of the Mississippi State College sovereignty commission. The memo is set to Governor Paul B Johnson, lieutenant governor Carol Garten, and the chairman of the state judiciary committee EK Collins. It was sent March 10, 1964.<br /><br />
<br /><br />
The memo reads as follows:<br /><br />
<br /><br />
One. The staff of the sovereignty commission has been engaged in extensive research complying with an order to assemble evidence which might be used as valid reasons for revoking the charter of two glue and or canceling it’s a credit Dacian by the Mississippi accrediting commission. This will be the first of a series of reports as information is developed and evaluated. The investigation is continuing.<br /><br />
<br /><br />
Two. Reference is made to Dr. AD Beittel<br /><br />
, President of Tugaloo college. And testimony before the general legislative investigating committee at 1962, Mr. JB Matthews of New York City, and outstanding authority and communism, testified under oath that there were two major propaganda groups operate in the south. He defined as “and infiltrated group” and a “communist front” the southern regional Council with main headquarters in Atlanta and the southern conference educational fund with headquarters in New Orleans. He lent these two directly with the southern conference for human welfare. Mr. Matthews identified Dr. AD Beittel as an active member of all three groups. He said Dr. Beittel and the other individuals identified with these groups were “a veteran supporters of communist causes and communist enterprises.“<br /><br />
<br /><br />
Three. We have in our files information that Dr. OR Paul has openly advocated to his class that speakers lecture on the campus in defense of communism. Dr. Powell, who is white, teachers sociology at Tugaloo. He has also conducted devotionals at the school. One of his topics as shown on a school program was “the heresy of the spirit.””<br /><br />
<br /><br />
For. There is ample evidence that to the loo has departed from its chartered responsibility of teaching liberal arts and related subjects. Classroom time as well as time after classes is being devoted to political discussions led by representatives of CORE, SNCC, and NAACP. The college publication the votes considerable space to these activities. The Mississippi student union, which is the youth organization of Council of Federated organizations,

Memo, Erle Johnston, Jr., to Paul B. Johnson, Carroll Gartin, and E.K. Collins; 10 March 1964.

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