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                    <text>A broadside with the Attention in bold bubble letters at the top of the sheet. The item reads&#13;
&#13;
Attention citizens of Greenwood and surrounding area&#13;
The revolutionary forces at work in this area have begun a boycott of certain business establishments in the city of Greenwood.&#13;
&#13;
This useless troublemaking agitation is being sponsored by a group of draft card burning disloyal pro communist riffraff known as the Mississippi freedom Democratic Party it’s local prime mover is a nigger preacher who runs a shoe repair business on Johnson Street. JD Collins has prospered in Greenwood and he is repaying this town for its goodness to him by trying to destroy it&#13;
&#13;
We have the manpower and the willpower to remove the scum from the streets but we do not wish to bring this type of trouble to the good name of our fair city. We will not stoop to the level of the trash who seek to promote chaos in our city.&#13;
&#13;
There are several things which we ask all good citizens both white and colored to do to counteract these troublemakers.&#13;
&#13;
They picked the time of the year when business is generally slow so as to impress their gullible followers with the success of their efforts. We should all make a special effort to be on the streets of downtown Greenwood as much as possible so as to put the lie to their claims of success. Law-enforcement officials and responsible private citizens will be on hand to see to it that everyone is protected on our city streets.&#13;
&#13;
The primary object of this so-called boycott is the liberty cash grocery owned by Mr. Sam Killebrew. Mr. Killebrew has been more tolerant with the colored element of his trade and almost any other businessman in town and some of them are rewarding him by trying to destroy his business. Neither he nor in any other businessman can meet the impossible demands of this nefarious group. We should all make a special effort to do some of our grocery buying at the store.&#13;
&#13;
Any effort at intimidation by this sorry element against any citizen white or colored should be reported to the law or to any responsible citizen and appropriate action will be taken.&#13;
&#13;
This is communism in action the end justifies the means and they only succeed where ignorance and timidity prevail.&#13;
&#13;
We worn this group who is not only our enemy but the enemy of all good citizens of this area not to misinterpret our intentions. We are and will remain equipped and ready for any eventuality.&#13;
&#13;
You can help bust the boycott written printed distributed by a local Civic group</text>
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                <text>Flyer accusing Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party of communist behavior. </text>
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                <text> Citizen's Council/Civil Rights Collection, M99, Historical Manuscripts, Special Collections, The University of Southern Mississippi Libraries.</text>
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                    <text>The Religious Newsweekly&#13;
Editor&#13;
NANCY LAWRENCE&#13;
9RNW2/25/57&#13;
TUESDAY February 26&#13;
 &#13;
Appeal for Aid to Interracial Community Heard by 1500&#13;
An appeal for new members to join a Christian interracial community in the Deep South was made by the Rev. C Conrad Browne before a throng of 1500 people who jammed a Brotherhood Week meeting in South Bend, Ind., last week. But he warned them that it wouldn't be easy. Twelve rounds of rifle fire have been pumped into his house, he said, narrowly missing his daughter, and bombing and burnings continue to plague Koinonia, the interracial community farm which he directs in Americus, Ga.&#13;
The Brotherhood Convocation, sponsored by the St. Joseph County Council of Churches, heard Rosa Page Welch, noted singer, and also witnessed a production of Thornton Wilder’s drama, "The Unerring Instinct.”&#13;
Mr. Browne reported on the wave of violence directed against the sixty-odd families living on the farm. On the advice of community project leaders, about one-third of the families have since moved away, he said.&#13;
Coupled with the violence came an economic boycott, said Mr. Browne. "No local market will buy our produce, feed salesmen will not sell to the farms, fuel dealers have discontinued deliveries, no one will process our cotton and insurance has become unavailable.” Although he did not appeal for funds personally, several ministerial associations, local and state church councils are sponsoring projects to aid the community.&#13;
Mr. Browne told his audience: “When our fuel was cut off, we got our own gas pumps but they became targets for shotgun blasts and we lost our supply of butane gas and building materials in fires. The problem of insurance is still not solved,” he said, adding, “one company after another has dropped our policies, including a New Zealand firm.”&#13;
 Those remaining at Koinonia are determined to carry on, declared Mr. Browne, who also thanked local and state church councils for their sympathy and support.&#13;
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                    <text>Cover of a brochure published by the council of Federated organizations about their work-study project. In the top area there is a diagram of the state of Mississippi divided into five sections. The main picture of the brochure cover is a young African-American man with a hat reading the book the kings wish. </text>
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                    <text>Letter from Earl Johnston Junior to Honorable Herman Glazier, July 23, 1964, on Mississippi state sovereignty commission letterhead.&#13;
&#13;
The letterhead reads Mississippi state sovereignty commission, new capital building, Jackson, Mississippi governor Paul B. Johnson, chairman&#13;
&#13;
July 23, 1964&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Memorandum&#13;
&#13;
To: Honorable Herman Glazier, administrative assistant, office of the governor&#13;
&#13;
From: director, sovereignty  commission&#13;
&#13;
Subject: communism and race agitators&#13;
&#13;
We worked several days with mayor W. O.  Williford of Drew helping him acting like accumulate information to be aired at a police court hearing. Mayor Willifordwas accumulating reports from Los Angeles and senator Eastlands office as well as the sovereignty commission.&#13;
&#13;
Tuesday afternoon, over the phone, he advised he was ready and the case would be heard at 10 AM, Wednesday, July 22. We told him we would be responsible for getting press coverage. We called the commercial appeal and the Clarion ledger and told them of the impending hearing and asked that they send reporters. The news that came out of Drew, Thursday morning, perfectly timed with Senator Eastland‘s speech in Senate, dealt and effective blow against those racial agitators with communist backgrounds or associations.&#13;
&#13;
We would like to recommend again, even more particularly at this time, that Governor Johnson consider making the statement that the FBI should grow with the prestige and reputation of that office in exposing the names of all racial agitators know through FBI files to be associated directly or indirectly with communist organizations. Communism charges are now being heard in New York and Washington, as well as Mississippi. In a sense we would be putting the FBI on a serious spot. They cannot deny the existence of such files because of director who verse earlier statement that can communist have infiltrated the racial movement. If the FBI chooses to remain silent, it could be well consider that the Lyndon Johnson administration is muzzling FBI on purpose to avoid any further proof public proof that the racists Are being led by communist.&#13;
&#13;
We believe such a statement would be far more effective if issued by the governor; however, if the governor thinks otherwise, the sovereignty commission could issue a statement if he grants permission.&#13;
&#13;
Signed Earl Johnston, Junior.</text>
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                    <text>This is the first page of a Mississippi state sovereignty commission report about Tugaloo college. It is from Earl Johnston Junior, the director of the Mississippi State College sovereignty commission. The memo is set to Governor Paul B Johnson, lieutenant governor Carol Garten, and the chairman of the state judiciary committee EK Collins. It was sent March 10, 1964.&#13;
&#13;
The memo reads as follows:&#13;
&#13;
One. The staff of the sovereignty commission has been engaged in extensive research complying with an order to assemble evidence which might be used as valid reasons for revoking the charter of two glue and or canceling it’s a credit Dacian by the Mississippi accrediting commission. This will be the first of a series of reports as information is developed and evaluated. The investigation is continuing.&#13;
&#13;
Two. Reference is made to Dr. AD Beittel&#13;
, President of Tugaloo college. And testimony before the general legislative investigating committee at 1962, Mr. JB Matthews of New York City, and outstanding authority and communism, testified under oath that there were two major propaganda groups operate in the south. He defined as “and infiltrated group” and a “communist front” the southern regional Council with main headquarters in Atlanta and the southern conference educational fund with headquarters in New Orleans. He lent these two directly with the southern conference for human welfare. Mr. Matthews identified Dr. AD Beittel as an active member of all three groups. He said Dr. Beittel and the other individuals identified with these groups were “a veteran supporters of communist causes and communist enterprises.“&#13;
&#13;
Three. We have in our files information that Dr. OR Paul has openly advocated to his class that speakers lecture on the campus in defense of communism. Dr. Powell, who is white, teachers sociology at Tugaloo. He has also conducted devotionals at the school. One of his topics as shown on a school program was “the heresy of the spirit.””&#13;
&#13;
For. There is ample evidence that to the loo has departed from its chartered responsibility of teaching liberal arts and related subjects. Classroom time as well as time after classes is being devoted to political discussions led by representatives of CORE, SNCC, and NAACP. The college publication the votes considerable space to these activities. The Mississippi student union, which is the youth organization of Council of Federated organizations,</text>
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                    <text>This is page 2 of the Mississippi state sovereignty commission report about the Tugaloo college that was addressed to the governor lieutenant governor and chairman of the state judiciary committee from the director of the Mississippi state sovereignty commission on March 10, 1964.&#13;
&#13;
Continued from previous page&#13;
&#13;
Publishers a regular mimeographed bulletin. In a recent issue, copy of which is in our files, the student union announced a “work-study project.” This program offered a $1000 scholarship to Tugaloo college to students who are willing to take out a year from school and work for the SNCC &amp; seePublishes a regular mimeographed bulletin. In a recent issue, copy of which is in our files, the student union announced a “work-study project.“ This program offered a $1000 scholarship to Tugaloo college to students who are willing to take out a year from school and work for the SNCC and COFO. This is a direct departure from the authority granted in the charter.&#13;
&#13;
Five. John Salter, Junior., White male, was a member of the two blue staff until September 1963 when he suddenly announced his resignation to become affiliated with a southern conference education fund. In the publicity announced from SCEF, it was stated that Salter would work closely with Carl Braden, who is an admitted communist. Salter in a conversation with a member of the Millsaps college faculty, whose name is on file in our office, described himself as a liberal Marxist. He was Author of two articles appearing in main stream magazine, a magazine branded as a communist Oregon by the House committee on un-American activities. In the files of the sovereignty commission is a record of an interview with Jose R CID, a Cuban refugees, who in 1962 was associate professor of chemistry at two glue. In a statement to the sovereignty commission, Mr Cid said he was well acquainted with John Salter, Junior., and was convinced that he was possibly a communist. He also said to blue college has been infiltrated by socialist socialist and possibly communist and he gave this as his reason for resigning his position on May 21, 1962. He said he was convinced that to glue college “is an extremely dangerous socialist and communist institution.“ Salter was one of eight pickets in the city demonstrations, who filed an $80,000 damage suit against the city for false arrest. He failed to appear in federal court for questioning by attorneys for the city. Shortly after Salter joined SCEF in New Orleans, The SCEF office was rated by Louisiana state police and a New Orleans city police. They rest were made under Louisiana’s communist control act. Three of Salters associates were arrested and accused of willingly and knowingly participating in the management of a subversive organization and distributing and storing communist political propaganda in Louisiana.&#13;
&#13;
Six. In September 1963, The Christian churches, disciples of Christ, in Mississippi decided to withdraw financial support to Tugaloo college. Bayard van Hecke, chairman of the state board of Mississippi Christian churches said its membership has contributed to Tugaloo for several years, although the college is owned and operated by the congregational church. They blamed their action on demonstrations The other activities at Tugaloo. The sovereignty commission furnished information onto glue to a representative of the Mississippi Christian churches prior to their decision to cancel support of Tuvalu.&#13;
&#13;
Seven. Dr. auto Nathan of New York was invited to make a talk at two Lou in March 1962. On June 12, 1956, Dr. Nathan appeared before the House committee on un-American activities in Washington and refused to answer whether or not he was a member of the communist party. He invoked  the first, fourth, and ninth amendment and was cited for contempt. In May 19 55, Dr. Nathan was</text>
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                    <text>This is page 3 of the Tugaloo college report number one on Mississippi sovereignty commission letterhead. The letter, written March 10, 1964, was from the director of the sovereignty commission to the governor, lieutenant governor, and chairman of the state judiciary committee.&#13;
&#13;
Continued from the previous page.&#13;
&#13;
Was denied a passport port by the state department because his “going abroad might be for purposes of advancing the communist movement.“ The state department identified Dr. Nathan as a communist in Germany prior to 1933. This statement was printed in the New York Times, June 3, 1955. Dr. Nathan was also mentioned as being an affiliate with the civil rights Congress citing as being subversive and communist by the United States Attorney General. In the statement to the press, Dr. AD Beittel , President of Tugaloo, said he was aware of Dr. Nathan‘s identity with “subversive organizations“ but said Dr. Nathan would be welcome to return to Tugaloo at any time. And his talk at two below, Dr. Nathan federally attacked the un-American activities committee and the committee on internal security headed by Senator Jim Eastland.&#13;
&#13;
Eight. Two blue college had only in rolled Negroes until November 18, 1961. Two white girls from outside Mississippi enrolled as the first white students. At present to glue has nine white students living in campus dormitories, for females and 5 miles. About half of the members of the faculty or white, including the president, doctor Beittel. The total enrollment of the school is about 500.&#13;
&#13;
Nine. Dr. Ernst Borinsky is chairman of the sociology department at Tibalew college. Dr. Borinsky in 1958 sponsored a racial clinic at Tuvalu, attended by Negro students and white students from another college. He is a German Jew, born in Poland. He was a judge in Germany and a professor in that country before coming to the United States in 1938. He served as an interpreter in the United States Army during World War II. In October 1948, Dr. Borinsky made a speech in Jackson and expressed sympathy with Russia and claims that the United States did not understand Russia. He criticize the United States has been imperialistic and endeavored to develop a sympathetic feeling toward Russia.&#13;
&#13;
10. This report will not make reference to reverent Ralph Edwin king, Junior., Chaplain at Tugaloo a cause of AA and pending investigation. He will be discussed fully and report number two.&#13;
&#13;
Signed by Erle Johnston.</text>
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                    <text>Copy&#13;
ITEM NO. I&#13;
Since January 4, 1962, the Mississippi Citizens’ Council and the State Sovereignty Commission have conspired in an open attack upon me which has been well publicized in the state and national press. This attack came because I am printing a new newspaper for Negroes, the Mississippi Free Press, which is dedicated to working for Negro rights and freedom. &#13;
I am only the printer for this paper. I have no financial interest in it and no control over it. I am vitally interested in seeing it survive because it is badly needed. The men who have put their money into this paper, business and professional men of Jackson, have implicit confidence in me and are guided a great deal by what I tell them in the line of newspapering. I very much would like to be in a position financially where I could have the time to help more with this paper and make it into a quality paper of statewide distribution. This could be done if the money could be made available, I have the know-how and the willingness to do the job. &#13;
ITEM NO. II&#13;
THE BAPTIST OBSERVER, now a monthly but already with authority to go weekly when funds are available, is strictly a church and religious paper. But the Negro ministers sponsoring this paper are keenly aware of the need of promoting a greater participation for Negroes in the life, economy and government of our state. This paper will help ministers to develop leadership among themselves and their congregations to the end that some day they can speak with one voice. This they desire to do-but naturally it will take time. They must get their own people together. We have in mind that some day The Observer will go into every Baptist home in the state. Adequate financing could make this a reality NOW. &#13;
ITEM NO. III&#13;
Organized labor is viewed with suspicion in Mississippi by the Governor on down. This is an attitude deliberately fostered by the top officials as labor leaders know. Labor needs a better press in Mississippi and better public relations. It has no paper of its own at the present time-although it once did. A statewide weekly newspaper which would report labor news fairly, honestly and accurately could be of great assistance in educating Mississippians about the facts of life on labor-about which they know very little at the present time. If Mississippi is to grow and progress industrially our attitude toward organized labor is going to have to change. &#13;
In our Jackson suburban paper, the Northside Reporter, we have a paper that already has a good following in Jackson. It could be enlarged and extended citywide first and then statewide-if my husband (Walter D. Smith) and I had enough financial backing. We are able and what’s more important, willing  to do this job. We feel it would be making a contribution to the growth and development of our state and I have some definite ideas about how this could be done if anyone is interested. &#13;
ITEM NO. IV&#13;
We need money NOW. 	$1,400.00 for past due taxes and insurance, now critical,&#13;
 2,000.00 on $6,200 loan from 1st National Bank of G’ville&#13;
-also now critical. Entire loan must &#13;
be liquidated soon. &#13;
1,000 must pay on paper bill, (Now $4,500.) &#13;
2,000.00 for assorted miscellaneous accounts including a &#13;
partial payment on $1,800 engraving bill.&#13;
 ALL OF ABOVE DESPERATELY NEEDED NOW. &#13;
(We still have the $20,000.00 note to be repaid &#13;
to Mr. Harrison-not worrying about it now.&#13;
(Note: If we could get our hands on $15,000 it would get rid of the one big note that is ono our backs as well as the past due bills-leaving us still the $16,200.00 note in Jackson on which we pay 6 per cent and $200,00 monthly-when we have it)&#13;
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                    <text>STATEMENT BY KOINONIA FARM&#13;
April 15, 1957&#13;
For Immediate Use&#13;
In Presentments published in the Americus Times-Recorder of April 5, 1957 the Grand Jury of Sumter County has gone to great lengths to discredit the honesty, sincerity, and religious beliefs of the community at Koinonia Farm. We take this means of presenting an answer to the people of Americus and Sumter County. It is a shocking thing that the Grand Jury, the official body responsible for just inquiry on behalf of the citizens of this county, should conduct so apparently biased and unfair an investigation as this one. It should be clear to anyone, however uninitiated, who reads these Presentments that the Grand Jury showed no concern whatever for a fair and balanced presentation of the facts. On the contrary it collected and interpreted to the discredit of Koinonia every possible piece of information that could be twisted to that purpose. And by deliberate selection it omitted all of those readily ascertainable facts which reflect to the credit of Koinonia.&#13;
We are forced to conclude that these misrepresentations are largely the result of bias and pre—judgments. In evidence of this we cite the fact that Solicitor General Charles Burgamy, who was responsible for assembling the facts and presenting them to the Grand Jury, on August 3, 1956, was quoted at length by the Albany Journal in a front-page article headed, "Solicitor Asks Revival of K.K.K at States’ Rights Meet Here.” We quote from this newspaper account:&#13;
"The Dougherty County Chapter of the States’ Rights Council met at 8:00 o’clock Tuesday night in the Dougherty County court house to hear Solicitor General Charles Burgamy of Americus, Georgia, tell the gathering of approximately 200 persons that he favored a return to the Ku Klux Klan... Mr. Burgamy talked for approximately one hour, strongly attacking integration and race mixing. At the conclusion of his remarks, Mr. Burgamy said 'Maybe that’s what we need now is for the right kind of a Klan to start up again and use a buggy whip on some of these race mixers. I believe that would stop them.’”&#13;
In this same story, Mr. Burgamy is quoted as commenting on the bombing of the roadside market at Koinonia Farm, which had occurred eleven days before his speech. The Albany Journal states: “Mr. Burgamy also intimated that it was possible for the participants in the Farm's cooperative and racially mixed agricultural program to have planted the bomb as a means of gaining sympathy and public attention." This shows that, long before most of the violence had occurred, Mr. Burgamy was putting forward the charge that people at Koinonia themselves were responsible for the violence directed against their persons and their property. If this were an honest conviction and not simply a pre-judgment, could Mr. Burgamy have failed over the course of many months and many acts of violence to have gathered proof of guilt by members of the Farm? Instead of this, many months later Mr. Burgamy has used the prestige of the Grand Jury to distort the facts to fit his pre-conceived theory.</text>
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                    <text>We think it should also be noted that the Clerk of the Grand Jury, Tommy Hooks III, had previously publicly stated his animosity and bias against Koinonia Farm. In an article in Newsweek magazine of February 25, 1957, Mr. Hooks is quoted as follows: “I had $25000 to $30,000 worth of their insurance.... I cut them off because I didn’t like to do business with people like them." This not only shows bias, but misrepresents facts. Actually, Mr. Hooks cancelled insurance with Koinonia Farm totaling only $1,300.&#13;
It is astounding that, in the findings of what was supposed to be an objective investigation, no mention whatever is made of the wide-spread economic boycott practiced against Koinonia Farm. Whatever the feelings of the Grand Jury about this boycott, it is an important part of the picture and should have been a matter of information and, we think, concern to the citizens of Sumter County.&#13;
The following is a point, by point answer to the allegations made against Koinonia Farm in the Grand Jury’s Presentments.&#13;
1. The most serious and most unfair accusation contained in the Presentments is that members of Koinonia Farm themselves have been responsible for the violence. This is absolutely untrue and cruelly unjust. Law enforcement officers have had full access to the grounds of Koinonia Farm at all times and the Farm is open to any kind of Investigation that they may wish to make. Surely no reasonable person could believe that these acts of violence, involving a number of weapons of different types, could have been perpetrated by persons at Koinonia Farm without evidence to that effect being discovered by law enforcement officers who, by their own testimony, claim to have suspected that the violence was self inflicted. The Grand Jury itself declares that “from the standpoint of legal evidence" it "cannot state what person or persons committed the violence." But instead of resting on this factual and objective statement, it then proceeds to present a great mass of contrived and inconclusive detail designed to convict Koinonia of the violence in the court of public opinion. This we feel to be a serious and dangerous breach of trust by this important official body.&#13;
As to the specific incidents discussed:&#13;
a. Evidence that the flood lights were in fact shot out does not have to rest on the testimony of Koinonia members alone. Although the lights were replaced immediately after they were shot out in order not to leave the area in darkness, the marks of the buck shot may still be clearly seen in the reflectors of the flood lights.&#13;
b. The Presentments state that the evidence makes it impossible for John Eustice to have been fired upon in the manner indicated in his testimony. One of the main reasons given is that the damage to the flashlight he was holding could not have been caused by a shotgun without striking him as well. Neither John Eustice nor any other resident of Koinonia Farm testified to the Grand Jury or said at any other time that this was the result of a shotgun blast. On the contrary, all indications are that the shot in question were fired by pistol or rifle. The Grand Jury nowhere explains why it concluded that a shotgun must have been involved,</text>
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                    <text>but it proceeds to build up a mass of contradictions based on this conclusion. The fact that bullets struck the flashlight from different angles is also alleged to present "impossible” contradictions in John Eustice’s testimony. While we are not ballistics experts, we offer the commonsense explanation that John Eustice would most likely have moved in the course of the shooting and that the position of the flashlight in his hand would logically have changed.&#13;
It is said that no broken glass was found at the scene of this shooting. We cannot explain, of course, what was found or not found by law enforcement officers investigating the scene at the time. However, even after the Grand jury Presentments were published, a member of Koinonia Farm searched the area and found a portion of the broken automobile mirror.&#13;
It is further said that examination of the flashlight showed evidence of powder burns, which would have been impossible at the distance at which the shots were fired according to John Eustice’s testimony. It is impossible for us to answer this allegation. All of the evidence was turned over to a representative of the Georgia Bureau of Investigation. We were disturbed to learn that immediately after returning from his investigations at Koinonia, and before the flashlight was submitted to the State laboratory, this G.B.I agent expressed himself to Lee Griggs, reporter for Time, as convinced the whole incident was staged by Koinonia persons end falsified by them. The agent said it was his idea that Koinonia people knew the reporter was coming, and wanted to create some news for him. This we felt to be a grave pre-judgment of the situation by an official charged with objective investigation. An account of thig exchange was given to us in writing by the newspaper reporter involved and is on file at Koinonia Farm.&#13;
c. Significance is attached to the fact that members of Koinonia used the word "dynamite" in referring to the explosion which damaged the roadside market. No such significance is warranted. We refer to the market as having been dynamited only because that is the explosive most commonly available and most commonly used to cause an explosion. We did not and do not have any knowledge based on evidence of the type of explosive used.&#13;
d. The statement is made, seemingly with some adverse implication, that many residents who sleep at Koinonia Farm were not awakened during any of the acts of violence, "although living on said premises and in some instances in the same house.” Unfortunately, violence has been frequent at Koinonia Farm in recent months, and there has been no practice of having the night watchman awaken everybody in the community when it occurs. Some of the acts of violence have taken place at great distance from the residences — in the case of the roadside market, approximately five miles. Moreover, like most farmers, Koinonians sleep soundly and, in winter, windows are usually closed. On some occasions, the entire community has been awakened, as on the night when ten or twelve blasts of shotgun fire were directed at the community. There has been no instance when a house was fired upon without its occupants all being awakened. We cannot account for any testimony on which the Grand Jury could have based its statement to the contrary, since Clarence Jordan was the only occupant of such a house to appear before the Grand Jury, and he and everybody else in the house was awake immediately n after it was fired upon.</text>
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                    <text>2. It is stated that Koinonia Farm has gained an economic advantage from the violence directed against it. This allegation is completely unfounded. In the interest of truth, we are perfectly willing to have a professionally qualified certified public accountant examine the books of Koinonia Farm and make public an audit thereof. It is true that after the bombing of the roadside market on July 23, 1956, many sympathetic friends did send in gifts to restore the damage, and in order to keep accurate records of these gifts, a column with that heading was established in the books of Koinonia Farm. Prior to that time, Koinonia had been practically self-sustaining and had not looked to gifts as a means of support. We are grateful to the many kind people in Sumter County, throughout the state, and elsewhere who have wished to assist Koinonia Farm in this time of great difficulty. The Presentments refer to total gifts and donations of over $27,500. Actually only about $20,000 of this amount was contributed by persons outside the community, the remainder representing amounts turned over to the common funds of the Farm by new members when they joined the community. There is nothing insidious about the fact that the very real violence against Koinonia should have prompted persons of good will to offer such assistance to the Farm. Nor is the amount given a large one when one considers that $13000 worth of property damage, the productive energies of members dissipated in meeting legal harassment, boycotts, the moving of two families outside the area because of danger to their lives, and the disruptions caused by the violence, have greatly reduced farm income. Also, all members and residents of Koinonia must be fed, clothed, and sheltered out of the proceeds of the Farm. The overhead expenditure, including the basic living needs of residents, is approximately $3,000 per month alone. In addition, several notes have become due and payable because of our inability to maintain insurance. These heavy expenditures readily explain why, in spite of seemingly large receipts from gifts, our bank balance was only $1,600 at the end of February.&#13;
The Presentment attempt to show that the bombing of the roadside market led to great, profits. It is not true that, after the violence began, the market began to have monthly sales of $7,000. The gross sales - not net profit - reached this figure in only one month, December, 1956, when orders in connection with Christmas produced these gross sales. In January, 1957, our gross sales were only $1,730.21. To suggest, as the Grand Jury does, that the market was earning twelve times as much as before the violence is a serious distortion. For example, in October, 1955, our gross sales were $1,297.12, whereas in October, 1956, in the midst of the violence, our gross sales were only $477.06. In the nine months of operation since the violence began (July, 1956 through March, 1957) our gross sales have actually averaged $1,800.62 per month, which clearly refutes the Grand Jury's charge that we averaged $7,000 per month. The operation was suspended entirely on April 10, since it could not usefully be carried on longer following the total destruction of the market. Even If the Grand Jury's account were accepted, who could believe that Koinonia itself would destroy a property that was yielding so much revenue?&#13;
The question of insurance claims on the roadside market destroyed by explosives is also completely misrepresented. After the damage, estimated at $3,000 caused by the initial bombing in July, 1956, an insurance recovery of slightly over $1,000 was received. After this, the insurance</text>
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                    <text>was cancelled. Later, after the market was repaired, more insurance was obtained. Then, after the market was totally destroyed, in January, 1957, a claim was filed, but the insurance company denied that it was liable for vandalism and has made no settlement. On total losses of approximately $13,000 from the bombing and destruction of the roadside market and other farm property, we have recovered slightly over $1,000 in insurance.&#13;
3. It is stated that Koinonia Farm discriminates against Negro residents for the gain of a few. As we have already pointed out, it is completely and legally impossible for any individual to profit personally from the proceeds of Koinonia Farm. The fact that race is not a consideration in the treatment of any person at Koinonia Farm is evident for all to see. There are three stages of membership  -  novices, provisional members, and full members. It is true that no Negroes have become full members. In recent years, only three Negroes have applied for even this first stage of membership, and this was granted. As yet no Negro has applied for full membership and none has been denied, or would be denied because of race.&#13;
It is utterly false that members of any one of the three stages, Negro or white, are excluded from full participation in the business affairs of the corporation. Novices, provisional members, and full members all may attend business meetings and all have an equal voice in decisions affecting business matters. Only in spiritual matters do full members alone make decisions.&#13;
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4. It is stated again and again that Koinonia Farm is a profit-making venture. This is utterly untrue and completely ignores the testimony given by members of Koinonia Farm in explanation of the financial nature of the Farm. Koinonia Farm is a non-profit corporation, based on religious principles, so recognized in its charter, and so recognized by the Federal Government. The Farm has an official letter of tax exemption from the United States Treasury Department. As in the cage of any non-profit corporation, no profit accrues to the benefit of any member of individual. Members receive no wages, salary, dividends, bonuses, or other compensation. Living expenses and personal needs of members and visitors to the Farm are met by the corporation. The same conditions apply to all persons at Koinonia Farm, member and non-member, white and Negro, male and female, young and old, alike. The Grand Jury cites the fact that, it had before it a Negro from Koinonia who received no salary or wages. This is true, just as it is also true that Clarence Jordan and the other white members of Koinonia receive no salary or wages.&#13;
Even though the Grand Jury had before it the books of Koinonia Farm, it made the utterly false statement that Koinonia "has a net worth of $150,000 and has made a profit of over $150,000" during its fourteen years of operation. Grand Jurors circulated among themselves and examined a record of Koinonia’s liabilities, or debts, which totaled $59,577.70 as of January I, 1957. Yet their Presentments make no mention whatsoever of this figure, and do not take it Into consideration in speaking of our net worth.&#13;
It is true that the total value of Koinonia land, buildings, machinery, livestock, growing crops, furniture, tools, and other property has been estimated at $150,000. But it seems more than just an oversight that</text>
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                    <text>the Grand jury failed to subtract the Indebtedness of almost $60,000 from this amount. Nor did it point out that of the remaining $90,000, more than half is due to the inflation of values over the past fourteen years, and that the other half came largely from gifts of friends who helped launch Koinonia Farm and from members who have joined and put their assets into the common treasury.&#13;
Much is made of the fact that, no members of Koinonia Farm have paid personal income taxes, federal or state. The truth is that like many other citizens, they do not have an income large enough to be subject to tax. Clarence Jordan, who is mentioned by name, has filed returns every year, despite the fact that the size of his income did not call for any tax to be paid. It is unreasonable to suppose that the Internal Revenue Service of the Federal Government would ignore willful disregard of the income tax laws of this country. We further state that, Koinonia Farm paid all state and county taxes on its property claiming no homestead or other exemption.&#13;
In its vigorous attempt to prove that Koinonia has profited by the violence against it, the Presentments refer repeatedly to “profits,” contributions, and income. No mention at all is made of the very heavy disbursements made during the same period for operating expenses of the Farm, the daily needs of the members of the community, and the onerous expenses caused by legal harassment, economic boycott, and the violence itself. All of this information, duly shown on the records of Koinonia Farm, was before the Grand Jury.&#13;
5. Statements are made in the Presentments to the effect that Koinonia Farm has misrepresented the facts to the press and in its newsletters in order to gain sympathy and support. The only untrue statement made by Koinonians that we are aware of—and that one was made unknowingly and inadvertently — is that the sheriff did not come out to investigate the burning of the house at Koinonia Farm. We did not see the sheriff at that time and thus had no knowledge of his visit or visits. After we learned from his statement that he had visited the scene, we apologized to him for our unwitting error.&#13;
The allegation that Koinonia initiated newspaper publicity at the time of the first instance of the violence in July, 1956, is completely false. This act of violence was publicized by the Americus Times-Recorder without any origination or prompting from Koinonia Farm. Later, as other acts of violence occurred, the Associated Press and other wire services and news publications began to call the Farm, and a number of reporters came to the Farm in connection with stories that they were preparing. We have been requested by news services to notify them when violence occurs, and we have complied with this request. However, it is our policy and practice to notify the press only after the sheriff has been notified. We deny utterly and completely the Jury's suggestion that residents of Koinonia Farm have made a practice of calling the press before notifying the sheriff.&#13;
After the violence began, Koinonia Farm instituted its newsletter in order to keep close friends and relatives, who were naturally concerned, informed of developments. The mailing list was approximately 300 at the beginning. Since that time we have added to the list those people who have </text>
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                    <text>written letters expressing sympathy and concern, who have ordered our produce, who have contributed to the needs of the Farm, or who have requested that they be added to the mailing list. The list compiled in this way now stands at approximately 2,500.&#13;
The untrue statement which the Grand Jury alleges were made in the newsletter and to the press are not specified, so that we are unable to give a specific answer to this allegation. We can only say that we think we have done an honest and factual job of presenting information. All of our newsletters are on file and we will be glad to have anybody view them and judge for themselves whether or not we have been truthful and accurate.&#13;
6. The Grand Jury’s Presentments state that Clarence Jordan and other members of Koinonia Farm made false statements under oath before the Grand Jury. This we did not do. If we had done so, we would be guilty of perjury, and it would be clearly within the Grand Jury’s power to indict us for this offense. Again, the Grand Jury seems to prefer to indict and try the members of Koinonia Farm in a court of public opinion, rather than through due process of law.&#13;
7. The Grand Jury attempts to imply that there is some connection between Koinonia Farm and the Communist Party. To do this they once again resort to mis-representation and distortion of the facts and of the nature of Koinonia Farm. Koinonia’s sustained witness over 14 years to non-violence is in direct conflict with the Communist philosophy of violence. The Grand Jury itself affirms this fact by stating that members of Koinonia have suffered imprisonment rather than take up arms against their fellow men. Testimony of members of Koinonia is grossly distorted. The position of Koinonia regarding visitors to the farm described to the Grand Jury was clearly expressed in a letter to Attorney General Eugene Cook, as follows: “We are a Christian Community and as such welcome all comers with friendliness and open mindedness. To our knowledge no member of the Communist party has ever visited Koinonia Farm. However, we receive a constant stream of guests and we make no investigation into their political affiliation either before they come or after. Should a Communist Party member visit us here he would be welcomed In Christian concern, just as would a member of the Methodist Church, the Republican party, the Americus Chamber of Commerce or the White Citizens Council. But such welcome would not, signify any affiliation with or ideological agreement with any of these, just as our recent receiving of the Ku Klux Klan did not signify agreement or affiliation with them. In fact we are diametrically opposed in viewpoint and purpose.”&#13;
The Presentments say that the Southern Conference Educational Fund is the successor to an organization "established to be communistic" and that is significant that the name of Clarence L. Jordan appears upon the list of the Board of Directors of that organization. The facts are that shortly before the Grand Jury investigation, Clarence Jordan was notified that he had been elected to the Board of Directors of the SCEF. At that time, he had not yet responded to this election to board membership, and subsequently he has notified the SCEF that he cannot accept this responsibility at the present time because of Koinonia’s need to devote all of its energies to the spiritual struggle now facing it.</text>
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                    <text>We wish to make It clear that we have no reason to believe that the SCEF Is a Communist organization, and we note that the Grand Jury presents no specific evidence to support such a conclusion.&#13;
Only the names of a few of the directors of the SCEF were read to Clarence Jordan at the Grand Jury, and he testified, truthfully, that he was not personally acquainted with them. He had not attended any board meeting or any other function of the organization. He had read its publications on Occasion and knew several of its directors (not mentioned by the Grand Jury) as well respected individuals. Due to the prominence of Clarence Jordan's name in recent developments, it is certainly understandable that he might be known to others whom he himself does not know.&#13;
It is true that Koinonia’s summer children's camp, after it was barred in Sumter County, was transferred to the grounds of the Highlander Folk School. However, the camp remained under the complete direction and supervision of Koinonia Farm. There is no evidence to our knowledge that Myles Horton "has for long years been known to be a member of the Communist Party.” And, again, the Grand Jury has produced no evidence to support such a charge, in spite of the fact that it has been vigorously denied by Myles Horton in a statement published in the Americus Times—Recorder.&#13;
In any case, these charges are completely irrelevant, since the camp was simply held on the grounds of Highlander Folk School and no part in its conduct or direction was played by the personnel of Highlander.&#13;
We think it is noteworthy that the Grand Jury itself feels constrained to point out that it has been expertly advised that its charges would be "insufficient to convict of Communism in a court of law." It then invites the public, nevertheless, to accept the wholly false conclusion that "there exists extremely close kinship between the Communist Party and Koinonia Farm, Inc.”&#13;
8. Finally, we are disturbed that the Grand Jury sees fit to sit in judgment on the sincerity of the Christian convictions of members of Koinonia Farm and others. This seems to us to be a dangerous abuse of authority by a secular agency of the state. Do the people of Americus and Sumter County wish to grant to the Grand Jury the power to pass on the Christian sincerity of other citizens? Like all human beings, we are subject to frailty, but we are earnestly striving to follow the teachings of Jesus as we understand them.&#13;
Another evidence of the Grand Jury's attempt to interfere with the free expression of Christian conviction is its censure of the Americus and Sumter County Ministerial Association for its resolution deploring violence. Apart from the propriety of this criticism, we cannot see how any reasonable person could object to either the spirit or the content of the resolution, the full text of which is as follows:&#13;
"We deplore and condemn the use of violence in any form against property and/or persons because of their personal beliefs which do not endanger the rights of others. As Christians and citizens we hold the right to disagree with others concerning their beliefs without forcing their agreement or yielding ours.</text>
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                    <text>"We further condemn lawlessness in any form and call upon every citizen and call upon every citizen and the forces of law to do all things necessary to protect the rights, properties, and lives of others in our community, state, and nation.&#13;
"In these difficult days in which many nations and people look to these United States for moral as well as political leadership, it behooves each citizen - and especially each Christian - to assert positive efforts to strengthen the cause of civic righteousness.”&#13;
We admit that we are conscientiously opposed to all forms of violence, including war. We feel that war and violence are opposed to Jesus’ gospel of love and forgiveness. We believe that our greatest contribution to the welfare of the nation is to walk as closely as possible in the way of Jesus.&#13;
We wish to express our gratitude to the people of Americus and Sumter County for their friendly and courteous personal relationships with us. It has been an extremely difficult and trying time for everyone, and we feel that on the whole the people have been unusually calm. Some have expressed sincere regret that pressures upon them have forced them to participate unwillingly in the boycott. We also wish to commend the Americus and Sumter County Ministerial Association for its courageous support of law and decency, an action which has been looked upon with great favor by many other religious bodies and groups throughout the state and nation.&#13;
We also note that even though the editorial policy of the Americus Times-Recorder has been opposed to Koinonia Farm, this newspaper has maintained the highest traditions of American journalism in its fair and objective reporting of incidents relating to Koinonia.&#13;
We express our sympathetic understanding of the difficult position of the sheriff and other law enforcement officers. Under such circumstances, few people would covet their jobs.&#13;
Finally, we wish to reaffirm our faith in God and in the essential goodness of every human being which He has created. We are convinced that as His spirit broods over us we shall be less inclined toward strife and more inclined toward peace. It is our belief that the solution to the problems of the South — and the nation — does not lie in violence, force and coercion. It lies in the redemptive love of God as revealed in Jesus Christ.&#13;
The Grand Jury has called attention only to the few incidents of violence about which they could raise some question reflecting upon Koinonia. We would like to present a complete list of the acts of violence committed against Koinonia and to call attention to the fact that the Grand Jury has failed to report to the public the great number of acts in which it was clear that Koinonia had no part. The violence in chronological order is as follows:&#13;
In June, 1956, a heavy caliber pistol, estimated from the slug to be a .44, was fired into the roadside market.&#13;
July 23, an explosion, described in the Americus Times-Recorder as dynamite, wrecked the roadside market. Damage was estimated at $3000.</text>
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                    <text>November 27, a newly acquired refrigerator-meat case was destroyed by buck shot.&#13;
December 26, the mechanism of a recently purchased electric fuel pump was destroyed by heavy caliber bullets.&#13;
January 1, 1957, the sign at the entrance of Koinonia Farm was hit by gun fire.&#13;
January 14, an explosion and resulting fire completely destroyed the roadside market and all of its equipment. Damage was estimated at $7,000.&#13;
January 18, a dwelling house on the far side of the farm, not being used, was burned to the ground. The same night an attempt was made to burn the bam of a sympathetic neighbor.&#13;
January 29, a speeding car raked the residence nearest the highway with automatic gun fire, complete with tracer bullets, narrowly missing Ross Anderson and an overnight visitor from Michigan. One slug entered the top of a car, just, over the head of Harry Atkinson.&#13;
February 1, ten to twelve shotgun blasts were fired from two care into the cluster of residences, sprinkling with shots children playing on the volley ball court. One shot, presumed by the sheriff to be .22 rifle bullet, entered a window and narrowly missed eleven year old Ora Ruth Brotme.&#13;
February 9, a cross wag burned before the home of Top Wilson, who rented his house from Koinonia and worked for wages.&#13;
February 14, a cross was burned before the home of the parents of a resident of Koinonia, and another before the home of a neighbor who made frequent, friendly visits to Koinonia.&#13;
February 15, two floodlights placed along our property facing the highway, were shot out with buck shot.&#13;
March 5, John Eustice, who was investigating a prowling car in the vicinity of our fences which had been repeatedly cut, was fired upon. The flashlight he held in his hand was hit and two shots passed through the side view mirror of the car beside which he was standing.&#13;
March 20, buckshot was fired into the Top Wilson home.&#13;
March 22, high powered rifle shots, presumed by the sheriff to be a 32-20, were fired into the residential cluster, one shot passing through three rooms of the Jordan home and narrowly missing Eleanor Jordan.&#13;
March 26, as Koinonia watchman John Gabor drove. along the highway investigating a car which had stopped beside our hog fence, two shots were fired from behind him, both missing, by occupants of the car.&#13;
April 9, several shots were fired from an automobile on the highway, several hundred yards from the residences.</text>
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                    <text>This completes the chronology to date. We have no explanation as to how so many dangerous incidents could have occurred without anyone being killed or even injured. We do not try to explain it. We simply thank God for His merciful providence that we and our children have been spared.&#13;
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                    <text>KOINONIA FARM PRODUCTS&#13;
Prices effective March 1 to Sept. 1, 1961&#13;
SHELLED PECANS - IN ONE POUND CELLO SACKS 		HALVES 	PIECES&#13;
BOXES OF 4, 6, 8, and 26 one 1b. bags 	$1.80lb.	$1.70lb.&#13;
Postpaid anywhere in U.S. 		ONE POUND		2.25		2.15&#13;
					TWO POUNDS	4.25	4.00&#13;
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&#13;
SHELLED PECANS BY CASE, TWO OR MORE CASES TO THE SAME ADDRESS AT THE SAME TIME:&#13;
SYELLED PECANS 			HALVES	PIECES&#13;
IN CELLO SACKS (26 1b. to the case) 	$1.80	$1.70&#13;
BULK (loose, not in cello sacks) &#13;
In case lots only – MINIMUM 28 lb. per case 	1.70	1.60&#13;
&#13;
Postage is included in the above prices EXCEPT ON ORDERS GONG WEST AS LISTED ABOVE. FOR POINT WEST, ADD 5¢ PER LB. &#13;
SPECIAL DISCOUNT&#13;
SPECIAL DISCOUNT between MARCH 1 and SEPTEMBER 1, 1961, on case lots: &#13;
If payment is sent with order, you may deduct 15% from the total cost of either bulk or cello packed pecans, 52 lbs. or more. ADD ANY EXTRA POSTAGE NECESSARY AFTER TAKING DISCOUNT. &#13;
Our nuts are kept in cold storage until needed for shipment and are guaranteed fresh. They should be refrigerated as soon as received. They will retain their freshness for years in your freezer -- only we hope you'll eat them! &#13;
WE WILL GLADLY MAIL YOUR GIFT PACKAGES FOR YOU, ENCLOSING A CARD, OR YOU MAY SEND US YOUR OWN CARD. THE PACKAGED NUTS ARE IN ATTRACTIVE CELLO SACKS, WITH KOINONIA DESIGN AND RECIPES FOR PECAN PIES, PRALNES, ETC. ON THEM.YOU WILL WANT TO USE THEM FOR GIFTS FOR ALMOST ANY OCCASION. &#13;
COUNTRY CURED HAMS  - Smoked with a blend of hickory, sassafras. pecan and oak. &#13;
7 to 8 lbs. - $8.50 	8 to 9 lbs. - $9.50 	9 to 10 lbs. - $10.50 &#13;
10 to 11 lbs. - $11.50 	11 to 12 lbs. - $12.50 &#13;
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                    <text>Effective November 1, 1960. Subject to change without notice.&#13;
KOINONIA FARM, Americus, Georgia&#13;
SHELLED PECANS &#13;
One Pound Box 	HALVES	PIECES&#13;
Postpaid anywhere in the U. S. 	$2.25	$2.15&#13;
For foreign postage add 75¢&#13;
Two Pound Box &#13;
Postpaid as below &#13;
Boxes of 4, 6, 8, and 26 pound cellophane bags 	1.80 lb.	1.70lb.&#13;
Bulk in boxes of 25 pounds (halves); and 26 pounds (pieces)   1.70lb.	1.60lb.&#13;
&#13;
Special discount on shelled pecans. You may deduct 10% if you order two or more cases (25 to 26 pounds each), shipped to the same address. This applies to nuts in either cellophane sacks or in bulk, but only to shelled pecans. &#13;
PECANS IN THE SHELL &#13;
Bulk	 5 1b. bag - $3.85 	10 1b. bag - $7.50 	50 1b. bag - $32.50 	100 1b. bag - $57.50&#13;
In one pound cello sacks 	4 lbs. - $3.50 	6 lbs. - $4.75 	8 lbs. - $6.50 	26 lbs. - $19.50 &#13;
All prices are postpaid to one address except on orders going west of New Mexico, Colorado, Cheyenne, Wyoming and the Dakotas. For these, add 10¢ per pound on orders above 25 pounds going to one address. &#13;
We will be glad to mail your gift packages for you, enclosing a card; or you may send us your own card to enclose. &#13;
Our shelled pecans are packaged in attractive cellophane sacks printed with a Koinonia design on the front, and recipes for pecan pie, cake and pralines on the sides and back. You will want to use them for gifts for nearly any occasion. &#13;
C OUNTRY CURED HAMS - Smoked with a blend of hickory, sassafras, pecan and oak. &#13;
7 to 8 lbs. - $8.00 	8 to 9 lbs. - $9.00 	9 to lbs. - $10.00 	10 to 11 lbs. - $11.00 &#13;
11 to 12 lbs. - $12.00 &#13;
We hope to begin shipping both hams and pecans around November 1.&#13;
To order, cut on line and send to Koinonia Farm, Americus, Georgia&#13;
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------&#13;
ORDER BLANK&#13;
Date of order_________	When ship_______&#13;
SHIP TO Name _______________________	Street (or RR)___________&#13;
(Please Print) &#13;
City and State_______________________________ 	Zone________&#13;
QUANTITY		DESCRIPTION 	        PRICE EACH 		 TOTAL&#13;
_________	______________		________	___________&#13;
__________	______________	_________	___________&#13;
__________	______________	__________	___________&#13;
__________ 	________________	__________	_________&#13;
If you wish part or all of this order sent to addresses other than above, please attach separate list with instructions. Be sure to print names and addresses plainly. &#13;
Amount Enclosed_________&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>BROTHER TO A DRAGONFLY&#13;
(a civil rights story)&#13;
&#13;
By Neal Bell and &#13;
Dick Cusack&#13;
&#13;
Based on the National Book Club&#13;
Award winning biography&#13;
By&#13;
Will D. Campbell&#13;
&#13;
2nd Draft&#13;
Cusack Productions Inc. &#13;
405 North Wabash St., Suite 1111&#13;
Chicago, Ill 60611&#13;
312 923-9010&#13;
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                    <text>Campbell suggestion [?]&#13;
for script&#13;
&#13;
BROTHER TO A DRAGONFLY&#13;
FADE IN&#13;
EXT. EULA, A DEEP SOUTH TOWN, (State not identified) LATE AFTERNOON.&#13;
From high above the city limits, the town of Eula shuts down, at the end of a winter’s day. Camera holds on the city limit sign showing ‘EULA” (state name blurred. From shame perhaps) POPULATION 5,681” As camera holds bullets from an unseen high powered rifle spell out the words “MINUS ONE” directly underneath the numbers on the sign. There is another sign, just beyond the city limits sign saying: WELCOME TO GOD’S COUNTRY. 1960. A lonely guitar picks out a tune. It is “Mississippi Madness,” but is not identified as the player hums along. As the camera searches the town it is a lovely and peaceful scene. Hills rise on all sides and a river divides the white from the colored side. Focus is on the “white” side. A chain of lights blink on. In the fields, at the edge of town, the winter’s first, and perhaps only, light snow glows reddish-gold, only partly covering the stubble of cotton left by the mechanical cotton pickers which stand idle along the fence row.  &#13;
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